THE GREAT DEPRESSION‘S “LESSONS” ARE NO ROADMAP
The Great Depression is probably the most
discussed and written about episode of modern
economic history. Despite a few dissenting
voices, economists can offer some rather
compelling explanations about why it
happened and why it lasted so long. What is
much less well understood, though, is exactly
what finally brought the US economy back to
life. Was it the result of policy, or politics, or
providence? In other words, economists have
a good idea about what governments should
do to avoid an economic depression. But
they can offer far less certainty about how to
get out of a depression once it occurs.
In his distinguished academic career, Federal
Reserve Chairman, Ben Bernanke, intensively
studied the origins of the Great Depression.
According to most economists, and to
Bernanke, there were two main causes.
First, as argued by Milton Friedman and Anna
J. Schwartz in their pivotal study, A Monetary
History of the United States, the Great Depression
was induced by a severe monetary
contraction that was the consequence of
poor policy decisions by the Federal Reserve.
In a speech honoring Friedman on
his 90th birthday in 2002, then-Fed Governor
Bernanke apologized: “Let me end my talk by
abusing slightly my status as an official representative
of the Federal Reserve. I would
like to say to Milton and Anna: Regarding the
Great Depression. You’re right, we did it.
We’re very sorry. But thanks to you, we won’t
do it again.”
The Depression’s second main cause – and
here Bernanke has made some lasting scholarly
contributions – were the bank runs that
started in 1930 and lasted until 1933. These
runs, unchecked by the Fed and the US Government,
severely disrupted the credit supply
and turned a nasty recession into a full-blown
depression.
The first factor, too little money in circulation,
explains why the Fed and other central banks
have slashed their interest rates, in some cases to zero, and why they are willing to take other
unorthodox measures to ensure that enough
money is created. The second factor, broken
lenders and credit lines, explains why governments
around the world are bailing out financial
institutions. The failure of Lehman
Brothers last year was a scary reminder that
bank runs are not a thing of the past.
Popular history offers one explanation of how
the Great Depression came to an end: with his
New Deal fiscal activism, President Franklin
Roosevelt’s big spending programs managed
to kick-start the US economy back to life by
1933–34. In The General Theory of Employment,
Interest and Money, the British economist
John Maynard Keynes provided the the-oretical underpinnings for the fiscal “magic
bullet”, albeit somewhat belatedly, in 1936.
But this explanation may be a bit too simple.
Christina Romer, a well-known economic
historian and the new Chairwoman of the
Council of Economic Advisers in the Obama
administration, argued in a widely cited article
published in 1992 that fiscal policy played
only a minor role in escaping from the Depression.
In her view, first and foremost, if
not exclusively, the swelling money supply
that followed the end of the gold standard
and the dollar devaluation was in fact the engine
of recovery between 1933 and 1942.
Acknowledging this well-argued view suggests
that the current debate raging globally
about the size, forms and durations of fiscal
stimulus misses the point. For sure, expansionary
fiscal policy – be it in the form of
built-in automatic stabilizers or discretionary
spending programs – has its role to play, in
bringing the current downward spiraling in
economic activity to a halt. But central banks
decisively turning to unorthodox methods
of quantitative easing may well prove to be
the more effective reflation measure for the
world economy. Some central banks, such as
the Federal Reserve, the Bank of England or
the Bank of Japan have clearly shown their
commitment to follow this path.
Yet, the risks involved to longer-term price
stability using massive monetary expansion
are not to be neglected. It will be a tightrope
walk for central bankers to mop up liquidity
early and fast enough in order to prevent an inflationary
surge, once the economy starts to rebound.
On the other hand, by pulling the plug
too early central banks may run the risk of
chocking an early recovery in an environment
which is likely to be very fragile anyway. And
last but not least it will be a fight against political
pressures to tolerate substantially higher inflation
rates as governments may be tempted to
opt for structurally higher inflation to reduce the
burden of their ballooning government debt.

